VI. Methodology
For as much consistency as there was among candidate materials in the 2010 midterm election graphics coded, there were several areas where the materials provided no trend. In order to understand if a graphical formula existed that would lead to branding success, these areas of subtle differences design elements, seemingly split equally in use by campaigns, became the focus of the 21 experiment.
Other research methods could have been used to obtain this information. Case studies of past campaign materials could have been the focus of the primary research. A more complex content analysis that studied a greater number campaigns or qualitative research through interviews could have been used to attain the same information. However, according to Brader, the use of an experiment allows the political scientist to more effectively rule out potential interferences by tightly controlling conditions and through randomization (Brader 2005, 391). For experiments such as this one that are attempting to understand emotion and preference, Brader suggests that conducting an experiment is the most practical way to capture a complete and accurate understanding of participants reactions.
Fashioning Female Identities and Political Resistance in Contemporary Chile.
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Fashioning Female Identities and Political Resistance in Contemporary Chile.
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During the last few decades, the act of remembering, of reconstructing and reevaluating image, has fueled political dialogues in Chile. The political role of fashion cannot be denied as an organizing agent, especially during the country’s seventeen-year dictatorship and into its transition to democracy. This article, through the application of fashion theories, explores women’s fashion since the 1960s, particularly as informed by the popular novel, Marcela Serrano’s Nosotras que nos queremos tanto (1991), as well as other popular culture sources. Serrano’s first novel sets the precedent for the author’s elaborate fashion descriptions, arguably the most style detailed of her oeuvre. Nosotrastells the stories—in vivid fashion-laden descriptions—of four best friends who reunite at a lakeside house in southern Chile and serves as a springboard to explore some of the national and socioeconomic concerns of fashion that not only historically mark Chile’s evolving fashion realm but also occupy the country’s current fashion discourse. I will analyze the author and her characters’ deliberate use of clothing, permitting Serrano’s protagonists to rip out the seams of class and gender confinement. Through fashion choices that provide an alternate means of expression, the characters walk the runway into an expanded political sphere, presenting newfound possibilities for often silenced voices.
http://am6ya8ud8k.search.serialssolutions.com/?ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_enc=info:ofi/enc:UTF-8&rfr_id=info:sid/ProQ%3Adaai&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:journal&rft.genre=article&rft.jtitle=Fashion+Theory&rft.atitle=Fashioning+Female+Identities+and+Political+Resistance+in+Contemporary+Chile.&rft.au=Saunders%2C+Stephanie&rft.aulast=Saunders&rft.aufirst=Stephanie&rft.date=2014-11-01&rft.volume=18&rft.issue=5&rft.spage=551&rft.isbn=&rft.btitle=&rft.title=Fashion+Theory&rft.issn=1362704X&rft_id=info:doi/10.2752%2F175174114X14042383562100
In a similar manner, exposure to literature also remains a luxury for
many in Chile due to the exorbitant cost of books.
September 11, 2013 marked the forty-year anniversary of the Augusto
Pinochet’s coup d’état. Protests and violence plagued the capital’s streets,
a reminder of the problematic necessity of memory, which still hovers
over the nation almost twenty-five years after the plebiscite. Tomás
Moulian in Chile Actual: Anatomía de un mito (1997) speaks of the
compulsion to forget, a type of memory block that, according to the historian,
stunts the country’s ability to move forward (1997: 31).
such as the Museo de la memoria (Memory Museum), inaugurated
in 2010 during the presidency of Michelle Bachelet, provide a
physical space for the process of memory.
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macroeconomic policies contributed to the poverty of vulnerable social groups, including indigenous peoples, and income distribution tended to become more inequitable. Free trade policies and the opening up of the national economies went in tandem with the introduction of market-oriented policies regarding natural resources, including water, and an intensification of natural resource exploitation. The new multiculturalism fitted into the process of dismantling the state and transforming social policies, which were already deficient, into targeted programmes aiming to ‘help the poor help themselves’. Within this framework the new multiculturalism purported to be culturally sensitive; but this sensitivity goes hand in hand with regulating the lives of aid programme beneficiaries. 3 ‘Participation’, ‘human capital’ and ‘social capital’ became key words in the new discourse. Mexican ‘neo-indigenism’ (Hernández et al, 2004) is emblematic in this sense. The projects promoted by Mexican regional development funds, for example, are often business oriented and seek to transform communities into community enterprises. These projects ignore alternative visions of devel- opment based on organic agriculture, notions of territoriality, food security and collective rights to natural resources, as well as local forms of water manage- ment. 4 In Colombia the hopes generated by the 1991 constitutional reform have been dashed and indigenous access to territories has increasingly become condi- tioned upon accepting development projects in cooperation with the private sector. In Bolivia, mining, petroleum and forestry concessions frequently overlapped with the TCOs. In both Colombia and Mexico, mega-projects such as the development of the Pacific Coast or the Puebla-Panama Plan threaten indigenous and other rural peoples and their livelihoods. The case of Bolivia, however, is suggestive of the shift in policy orientations that is occurring in the region. The Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) is an exponent of the ‘new Latin American left’ and the search for alternatives to the hitherto dominant neoliberal model. The new Latin American left is extremely diverse and the search for alternatives is an ongoing process (Barrett et al, 2008). Some elements, however, seem to emerge: a newly enhanced role for the state in the economy and in natural resource management and the distribution of benefits; a renewal of social policies and efforts to create a more beneficial economic climate for the poorer sectors of the population; experiments with forms of democracy that complement electoral democracy and a more benefi- cial stance towards indigenous peoples that may go beyond neoliberal multiculturalism. This chapter has discussed the example of the Bolivian irriga- tion legislation. More broadly, one might point to the processes of constitutional reform in countries such as Ecuador or Bolivia. As in Bolivia, the new Ecuador Constitution defines the right to water as a fundamental human right, indispensable for ‘living well’. Whether this results in concrete policies remains to be seen – a key issue that several of the following chapters will examine. In the case of Ecuador, for example, the relationship between the indigenous movement and the Rafael Correa government is rather tense, particularly due to disagreements over natural resource management and exploitation.
Boelens, R., Getches, D. and Guevara Gil, J. (2012). Out of the mainstream. London: Earthscan.
- - - - - - - -
macroeconomic policies contributed to the poverty of vulnerable social groups, including indigenous peoples, and income distribution tended to become more inequitable. Free trade policies and the opening up of the national economies went in tandem with the introduction of market-oriented policies regarding natural resources, including water, and an intensification of natural resource exploitation. The new multiculturalism fitted into the process of dismantling the state and transforming social policies, which were already deficient, into targeted programmes aiming to ‘help the poor help themselves’. Within this framework the new multiculturalism purported to be culturally sensitive; but this sensitivity goes hand in hand with regulating the lives of aid programme beneficiaries. 3 ‘Participation’, ‘human capital’ and ‘social capital’ became key words in the new discourse. Mexican ‘neo-indigenism’ (Hernández et al, 2004) is emblematic in this sense. The projects promoted by Mexican regional development funds, for example, are often business oriented and seek to transform communities into community enterprises. These projects ignore alternative visions of devel- opment based on organic agriculture, notions of territoriality, food security and collective rights to natural resources, as well as local forms of water manage- ment. 4 In Colombia the hopes generated by the 1991 constitutional reform have been dashed and indigenous access to territories has increasingly become condi- tioned upon accepting development projects in cooperation with the private sector. In Bolivia, mining, petroleum and forestry concessions frequently overlapped with the TCOs. In both Colombia and Mexico, mega-projects such as the development of the Pacific Coast or the Puebla-Panama Plan threaten indigenous and other rural peoples and their livelihoods. The case of Bolivia, however, is suggestive of the shift in policy orientations that is occurring in the region. The Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) is an exponent of the ‘new Latin American left’ and the search for alternatives to the hitherto dominant neoliberal model. The new Latin American left is extremely diverse and the search for alternatives is an ongoing process (Barrett et al, 2008). Some elements, however, seem to emerge: a newly enhanced role for the state in the economy and in natural resource management and the distribution of benefits; a renewal of social policies and efforts to create a more beneficial economic climate for the poorer sectors of the population; experiments with forms of democracy that complement electoral democracy and a more benefi- cial stance towards indigenous peoples that may go beyond neoliberal multiculturalism. This chapter has discussed the example of the Bolivian irriga- tion legislation. More broadly, one might point to the processes of constitutional reform in countries such as Ecuador or Bolivia. As in Bolivia, the new Ecuador Constitution defines the right to water as a fundamental human right, indispensable for ‘living well’. Whether this results in concrete policies remains to be seen – a key issue that several of the following chapters will examine. In the case of Ecuador, for example, the relationship between the indigenous movement and the Rafael Correa government is rather tense, particularly due to disagreements over natural resource management and exploitation.
Boelens, R., Getches, D. and Guevara Gil, J. (2012). Out of the mainstream. London: Earthscan.






































